Module Seven
The New Testament Canon
7.1 Introduction
For approximately sixteen centuries, Christians of all traditions have been agreed that the twenty-seven writings that compose the New Testament are sacred scripture. Although many of these writings were authoritative for Christians from very early on, the final ratification that these twenty-seven writings constitute the official collection, or canon of scripture, took place in 397 CE at the Council of Carthage. The membership of the Council consisted of bishops who represented their jurisdictions from all over the Christianized Roman Empire. Their decision to close the canon, and not allow new writings to be added or existing writings to be excluded, has remained firm ever since.
The road that led up the canonization in the late fourth century, however, was far from smooth and linear. Opinions varied especially between the East and the West. Various lists were drawn. All of them included select writings which are today in the New Testament. Many of the early lists also included writings that most people today have never heard. Some lists were long. Others were fairly short. One of the only consistent factors in the drafting of these lists over almost 300 years was that they were usually reactionary. In other words, lists of authoritative Christian writings emerged because they functioned as responses to those lists that were promoted by opposing Christian groups.
The most elementary definition of “canon” in antiquity was a “norm” or “standard,” from the earlier use for “measuring rod” or “ruler.” In earliest Christianity the term was not applied to a collection of writings. It was instead used metaphorically as a reference for a standard of living (e.g. 2 Cor 10:13-16). It primarily had an ethical nuance. In the late second century, the term took on another meaning. It was now applied to the “rule of faith” or the “rule of the Church”, which was the summarized form of standard belief and teachings, against which all competing expressions of Christian belief were to be evaluated. It was not until the middle of the fourth century that the term was applied by St Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, to a list of authoritative Christian writings. This use of the term has remained unchanged in the context of Christianity.
7.2 The First Hundred Years: From 30 CE to 130 CE
It is very difficult for historians to ascertain when Christianity began. While there is no doubt that Jesus is the foundation of the Christian faith, many historians are reticent to see his ministry in the late 20s of Galilee as the beginning point of a new movement. As far as we know Jesus’ teachings were oriented toward the kingdom of God and its manifestation in Israel (e.g. Matt 10:5-15; 15:24). Jesus was fully Jewish, immersed in the politics, social problems, and religious fervor of the Judaism of Palestine. He did not set out to found a new religion, but to reform his own. After his death, his followers began to proclaim that Jesus was seen alive. The message of Jesus’ resurrection began to spread initially within Jewish circles, but was met with mixed results. Some came to believe that Jesus was raised from the dead, and hence was the messiah who was vindicated by God. Whereas others were vehemently opposed to this message since it violated every expectation of a messiah. For those Jews who did not accept the message, messiah was believed to be a deliverer of the Jewish people from the Romans and the corrupt Temple establishment. He was supposed to come and defeat Rome militarily. He was to be crowned king in Jerusalem, and not crucified and mocked as a royal pretender outside the city gates. As the Apostle Paul would later write, a crucified messiah is a stumbling block for the Jews (1 Cor 1:23). Peter shares the common Jewish belief about messiah when he cannot accept that Jesus must suffer and die (Matt 16:21-23).
Historians usually point to the period after Jesus’ death, when his followers began to spread the message of his resurrection, as the beginning of Christianity. Although the Apostle Paul is sometimes hailed as the father of Christianity since he is the first to articulate in writing the significance of Jesus’ death and resurrection in relation to traditional Jewish teachings, the beginning of Christianity should probably be located earlier, somewhere between the death of Jesus around 30 CE and the first Christian writing in approximately 50 CE, which may be either Galatians or 1 Thessalonians. In the first twenty years of Christianity, itinerant prophets spread the message about Jesus, traveling from village to village, initially in Palestine, and then extending their mission outward, primarily to Asia Minor.
7.3 The First Christian Writings
The Christian prophetic movement extended well into the next century. Alongside these missionary activities, Christian writings began to emerge, usually out of necessity. As early Christian communities began to form, they were confronted with immense challenges both from within and from without. Internal challenges included divisions about belief, religious practice, and leadership. External pressures usually came from rival Christian groups or Jewish groups. Founders of early Christian communities, such as Paul, found it necessary to respond to problems that threatened the beliefs and practices of these vulnerable communities. The Gospel writers, called evangelists, also confronted problems that their congregations were facing. The evangelists were probably pastors who were themselves engaged in deep conflicts with rival groups who advocated alternate ways of thinking. For instance, Mark wants to curb his congregation’s anxiety that Jesus had not returned. Even though his congregation is experiencing the horrors of war, Mark assures them that it is not yet the end of the age. John is responding to rival groups who claim that Jesus is not the messiah. And Matthew is probably confronting hostile Jewish opponents in the Pharisaic tradition. The challenges facing the early Christian communities can be multiplied many times over. But through it all, it is important to remember that the writers wrote to confront very real problems that posed a threat.
By the end of the first century, all of the New Testament writings had been written. What is astonishing, however, is that they did not remain in the communities for which they were intended. They began to be copied and sent to other Christian communities. For instance, Paul’s letter to the churches in Galatia eventually made its way to Corinth and eventually Rome. Although some writings were intended by their authors to be circulated among congregations, like the letter to Ephesians, most were not. In the first two decades of the second century, many of the New Testament writings were circulating all over the empire, from Rome to Egypt, and maybe even beyond. It is important to be reminded, however, that these were not the only Christian writings that were circulating.
As the copying, distribution, and popularity of the writings increased, they began to be used for teaching and in worship with more frequency all over the empire. One of the effects of this popularity was the emergence of new Christian writings, representing a variety of teaching. The second and third centuries were especially conducive to the escalation of Christian literature.
Paul’s letters were probably the first writings of the New Testament that were copied and circulated, not as individual texts, but as a collection. There is debate among scholars why Paul’s writings were collected and circulated after his death. It has been suggested that this collection may have been the first unofficial list of a canon, but this is not the only explanation. It is equally possible that after Paul’s death, his letters were largely forgotten, but with the publication of Acts, Paul’s popularity grew and his letters were in demand. Another possibility is that the collection is attributed to the early disciples of Paul (called the Pauline School) who promoted Paul’s teachings. Another reason still is that Paul’s writings were collected in an effort to combat the growing tide of Gnostic Christianity in the first half of the second century. Finally, despite acknowledging their collection, some scholars do not see Paul’s letters being used all that much in the late first and second centuries.
Info Box 7.1: Why Were Paul’s Letters Collected?
The collection and distribution of Paul’s letters after his death is a fascinating event. Debates range from this being a first unofficial canon to a simple act by devotes who wanted to keep the memory of their teacher alive. Whatever the motivation to collect, copy, distribute these letters, there is not indication that they were regarded as scripture at this point. At the same time, this does not discount the view that they were being recognized as authoritative teachings in at least some communities, even if not on par with the Jewish scriptures.
7.4 The First Christian Canon
For approximately the first hundred years of Christianity, there was no need for canonical writings beyond the received Jewish scriptures. It would have been impossible to envision the twenty-seven writings in the New Testament as the second part of a biblical canon. A new canon was neither necessary nor self-evident. Moreover, there is no indication that the writers of the New Testament believed they were writing canonical literature. Apart from maybe Rev 22:19, there is no indication that the writers themselves believed that they were writing under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. Many writings are simply silent on this. Some, however, do speak to their authority. For example, Paul claims that his authority resides in the apostolic commission that he received from the risen Christ (2 Cor 13:10). The author of John implies in chapter 14-16 that the Spirit guides the church in the remembrance of what Jesus said. And Luke relies on past narratives and testimonies (1:1-4).
For the writers of the New Testament, and their disciples, the canonical scripture was for the most part what Christians today call the Old Testament. Though it was a little different from today’s Catholic and Protestant Old Testaments. It is difficult to speak of a closed Jewish canon in the first century. Over several centuries, the cultural and linguistic shifts in Palestine and the Diaspora gave rise to at least five different versions of the Jewish scriptures that were either completed by or were emerging in the first century CE. Scholars have referred to these as the Masoretic text, the Dead Sea Scrolls Bible, the Septuagint, the Samaritan Pentateuch, and the Targums—these are discussed in Chapter 4.
Info Box 7.2: Other Versions of Scripture
If our study into ancient versions were expanded beyond the first century, we would add Jerome’s fourth-century Latin translation of a Hebrew text called the Vulgate (meaning “common”) that is not identical to any of our known versions. We would also include the Syriac version, called the Peshitta (meaning “simple”), whose origins are obscured, but in most cases seems to be dependent on the Targums, which were Aramaic paraphrases of the Hebrew scriptures—probably used in the synagogues.
Each one of these has a complicated textual history with varied textual traditions that cannot possibly be tackled within the scope of this chapter. What is important to understand at the introductory level is that during the first century none of these versions represented a standardized text. In other words, unlike today, there was no standard bible with which all the writers were familiar and from which translations were made. The designations that scholars use for the ancient versions refer to textual traditions or families of texts. Moreover, some of the designations are anachronistic, meaning that they have been acquired after the first century.
Most Jews and Christians in the first two centuries used a Greek version of the Jewish scriptures, called the Septuagint (abbreviated as LXX). The translation history is explained in Chapter 4. After several centuries of Hellenistic influence, it is not surprising that the Greek version of the Jewish scriptures is the most well attested version among both Jews and Christians in the first century. The reason for this is not simply that Greek was spoken in Palestine, but it was the common language of both Jews and Christians in the Diaspora where early Christianity and formative Judaism began to expand in a variety of directions. The variety of Judaisms in the Diaspora can be attributed to the differing social contexts in which the Jewish communities found themselves. These were Jews who lived in communities of varying sizes outside of Palestine. Three of the largest communities at the turn of the eras were in Rome, which may have had up to 50,000 Jews, Alexandria which produced several prolific writers like Philo and Aristobulus, and Sardis which had one of the largest synagogues of the day. By the first century, Jewish communities were scattered throughout the Roman Empire and had been firmly rooted in the Greco-Roman culture. Their reception and influence among their Gentile neighbors was generally positive. Although a few communities were persecuted sporadically, most were respected and contributed to the vitality of the Greco-Roman culture. In some urban centers, like Sardis, the Jews even attained political influence. The Jewish historian Josephus mentions on several occasions how the Gentiles were attracted to the rituals and the antiquity of the Jewish religion (Against Apion 2.282; Jewish War 7.2.2).
Info Box 7.3: Paul’s Appeals to Scripture
One of the earliest Christians to use scriptures is the Apostle Paul. His letters are filled with advice and admonitions on “correct” Christian belief and conduct in the face of competing pressures of syncretism. Some of the early communities, such as the church in Galatia, were pressured by Jewish Christian missionaries from Palestine to conform to Jewish identity laws, called “works of the Law”, especially the practice of circumcision. Paul angrily responds by appealing to the scriptures and arguing that the new gentile converts need not become Jews in order to remain Christian. In the church at Corinth, the pressures came from pagan practices that inevitably found their way into early Christian self-understanding. Paul needed to respond to such issues as the consumption of meat offered to idols, the nature of the resurrected body, and the dualistic spirituality which affected the Corinthians’ understanding of the Lord’s Supper and their practice of speaking in tongues. He does so by appealing to the Jewish scriptures, correcting and reminding the Christians of the true faith.
When the New Testament writers consulted the LXX, they would not have found a neatly divided canon whose sequence of writings reflects today’s standards. While the order of writings in the Pentateuch remained fixed, the writings that followed were not found in any consistent order. Unlike in the Hebrew version, the writings that followed Chronicles show no consistent pattern. Likewise, the Twelve Minor Prophets, which were usually copied by Hebrew scribes in the same order, beginning with Hosea and ending with Malachi, are found in a variety of sequences. In addition to the variance in order, the earliest LXX codices contain additional writings, such as Tobit, Judith, and 1-4 Maccabees, extending the dating of the writings well into the Hellenistic-Roman period. By the end of the first century CE there does not appear to be a fixed canon, even though many of the writings were already long regarded as scripture.
Were it not for the adoption of the Septuagint in the early Christian communities, its continuous use would have been in doubt because it was not adopted as the standard text in rabbinic Judaism. The Septuagint served as the scriptures for Christians throughout the empire until the adoption of the Vulgate, which was the Latin translation by the famous biblical scholar Jerome (d. 420 C.E.). With the help of a rabbi, Jerome relied on a Hebrew/Aramaic manuscript that was in use in Bethlehem, but he retained both the content and the sequence of the writings as he knew them in the LXX. Nevertheless, the Vulgate became an important textual bridge toward the eventual adoption of the Masoretic Text among the early Protestant reformers of the 16th century. And even then, although the so-called apocryphal writings were appended to the end of the collection, the sequence of the canonical writings continued to be influenced by the Septuagint.
Info Box 7.4: Josephus on the Jewish Canon
(38) For we have not an innumerable multitude of books among us, disagreeing from and contradicting one another [as the Greeks have], but only twenty-two books, which contain the records of all the past times; which are justly believed to be divine; (39) and of them five belong to Moses, which contain his laws and the traditions of the origin of mankind till his death. This interval of time was little short of three thousand years; (40) but as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and precepts for the conduct of human life. (41) It is true, our history hath been written since Artaxerxes very particularly, but hath not been esteemed of the like authority with the former by our forefathers, because there hath not been an exact succession of prophets since that time; (42) and how firmly we have given credit to those books of our own nation, is evident by what we do; for during so many ages as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add anything to them, to take anything from them, or to make any change in them; but it becomes natural to all Jews, immediately and from their very birth, to esteem those books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them, and, if occasion be, willingly to die for them. (43) For it is no new thing for our captives, many of them in number, and frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that they may not be obliged to say one word against our laws and the records that contain them; (Against Apion 1:38–43).
7.5 Oral Transmission and Early Creeds
In addition to the authoritative use of scripture, early Christianity came to identify itself through creeds. These were simple summaries or formulas of religious belief about Jesus that guided early communities. They were positive in the sense that they affirmed a confession and were inclusive, as opposed to modern Statements of Faith, which tend to be negative and exclusive. The brevity of the creeds allowed for their easy memorization and recitation. Scholars have pointed to a number of creedal statements in the New Testament, such John 20:28 (“My Lord and my God!”), Matt. 16:16 (“You are the Christ, the Son of the living God.”), and 1 Tim. 3:16 (Great indeed, we confess, is the mystery of our religion: He was manifested in the flesh, vindicated in the Spirit, seen by angels, preached among the nations, believed on in the world, taken up in glory). Perhaps the most well known of all is 1 Cor. 15:3-7, which reads,
For I delivered to you as of first importance what I also received, that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the scriptures, and that he appeared to Cephas, then to the twelve. Then he appeared to more than five hundred brethren at one time, most of whom are still alive, though some have fallen asleep. Then he appeared to James, then to all the apostles.
Alongside the early creedal confessions were tests or criteria that allowed Christian communities to evaluate the preaching of itinerant prophets who came “in the Lord’s name.” Paul and the writer of John’s epistles were especially familiar with these prophets because they were at times competing with them for adherents among the fledgling communities. In their letters, we find tests and appeals for discernment (e.g. 1 Cor 12:3, 10; 16:21; Gal 6:11; Col 4:18; 2 Thess 4:17; Philem 19; 1 John 4:2).
Most of the communication about Jesus, including the reciting of creeds, was oral. Approximately ninety percent of the population in rural Palestine and Asia Minor were illiterate. What new converts came to know about Jesus and the Christian faith was then retold to others in the same or similar way. This is what Paul and later Church Fathers meant when they spoke about the tradition they received and then passed on to others. This oral tradition functioned as a canon alongside the scriptures and provided a standard against which rival beliefs, especially rival Christian beliefs, were measured.
The process of communicating stories about Jesus incorporated what scholars call social memory. This refers to the way information is remembered and then retold in an oral culture. In ancient oral culture, as opposed to ours, historical reconstruction was not the chief concern. Events were remembered, and then retold, because they were relevant and communicated meaning to the hearers. The retold stories may have had a high degree of historicity, but they were remembered and then retold because they were believed to be relevant. What we have preserved in the Gospels, for example, is not all of the details of Jesus’ life, but those saying and deeds that the early Christian community found especially relevant and meaningful. Oral communication was not regarded as hear-say or as less accurate than a writing, as might be the case today.
Info Box 7.5: Papias, Bishop of Hierapois, on the oral transmission of tradition.
I will not hesitate to set down for you, along with my interpretations, everything I carefully learned then from the elders and carefully remembered, guaranteeing their truth. For unlike most people I did not enjoy those who have a great deal to say, but those who teach the truth. Nor did I enjoy those who recall someone else’s commandments, but those who remember the commandments given by the Lord to the faith and proceeding from the truth itself. And if by chance someone who had been a follower of the elders should come my way, I inquired about the words of the elders—what Andrew or Peter said, or Philip, or Thomas or James, or John or Matthew or any other of the Lord’s disciples, and whatever Aristion and the elder John, the Lord’s disciples, were saying. For I did not think that information from books would profit me as much as information from a living and abiding voice. (Fragments of Papias 3.3-4. Translation taken from Michael William Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts and English Translations (updated edition; Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1999) 565.
7.6 The Second Century
By the second century, the words and deeds of Jesus along with several New Testament writings were beginning to take on authoritative status. As the words of Jesus, which were being incorporated into more and more writings, started to circulate, heated controversies followed. Many of the controversies were about the authority of the writings. Christian groups were in disagreement with each other as to which writings accurately represented the teachings of Jesus and the Apostles.
Perhaps the most influential person in the long development of the New Testament canon was the second-century Christian scholar and evangelist, named Marcion of Sinope (85-160 CE). We encountered him in chapter five. Some repetition, however, may be helpful. In 144 CE, Marcion taught that the God of the Jewish scriptures was different from, and even contradicted, the God that Jesus worshipped. Jesus came as a messenger of the loving God, and ended up being killed on the cross at the instigation of the jealous and legalistic God of Judaism. After Jesus’ death, the disciples were entrusted to preach his message of a loving God, but the disciples failed. Fortunately, according to Marcion, Paul rescued Jesus because he preached a gospel based on faith through grace instead of one that was grounded in the law. Marcion’s vehement attack on other Christians included a list of authoritative writings. This may have been the first “canonical” list. It contained a form of Luke’s Gospel and ten letters of Paul in the following order: Galatians, 1, 2 Corinthians, Romans, 1, 2 Thessalonians, Ephesians (which Marcion called “Laodiceans”), Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon.
The responses to Marcion’s ideas and list were fierce. The most famous of these responses came from Tertullian (160-225 CE), a Christian apologist and theologian from Carthage. With reference to Marcion’s use of scripture, Tertullian wrote, “Marcion expressly and openly used the knife, not the pen, since he made such an excision of the Scriptures as suited his own subject matter” (Tertullian, On Prescription Against Heretics 38). After Marcion, Christian groups began to compile lists of writings that aligned with their theological beliefs. Writings that did not align with accepted beliefs were either placed in a “possible” category or rejected altogether. The process of compiling lists over the next two hundred years would inevitably lead to what we today call the New Testament.
It is difficult to determine when and why the four Gospels became exclusive. Matthew and John seemed to be the first Gospels that were ascribed apostolic authority. Around 165 CE, Justin Martyr acknowledges the Gospels as the “memoirs of the Apostles,” which were useful to establish doctrine (First Apology 66.3; 67.3). It is not clear, however, which ones he has in mind. These were regarded as useful for teaching and worship, even though he did not consider them as inspired scripture. In the decades that followed, Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, argued that the four Gospels are bound by the “one Spirit.” He goes on to say that the Church accepts four—Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John—because as there are four winds and regions in the world, so the Church is supported by the four Gospels (Against Heresies 3.11.8).
Although the four canonical Gospels were the earliest, and all of them were anonymous, Christian writers of the second century also refer to other gospels that claimed to have been written by apostles and eyewitnesses, such as the Gospel of Thomas, the Gospel of Peter, Dialogue of the Savior, Apocryphon of John, the Unknown Gospel, the Gospel of the Hebrews, and the Gospel of the Egyptians. None of these, however, despite their apostolic claims, seemed to achieve that same level of acceptance as the four in the New Testament.
By 170 CE, the four Gospels were also acknowledged as supreme by the Syrian Christian Tatian, who tried to weave all four into one grand narrative, which was called the Diatesseron (meaning “through the four”).
Info Box 7.6: Tatian’s Diatessaron
Tatian, a disciple of Justin Martyr, produced a gospel account that combined the four canonical Gospels: Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Diatessaron (“through the four”) was a fitting name for what Tatian was trying to do. Tatian had many critics. Eusebius, for example, criticized the Diatessaron because it combined the four Gospels, which he felt should not be changed (Eusebius, Ecclesiastical Histories 4.29.6). The Diatessaron was popular in Syria until the early fifth century.
At the end of the second century, a list was compiled that included a number of writings from the New Testament. This is called the Muratorian canon, named after the 18th century theologian Lodovico Antonio Muratori who published the now famous Muratorian Fragment. It is difficult to date this compilation, but it probably originated in Rome in the latter part of the second century. If it is early, it may be one of the first major canonical lists. It consisted of Luke, John, Acts, the letters of Paul (1 and 2 Corinthians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Galatians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, Romans, Philemon, Titus, and 1 and 2 Timothy), Revelation, Jude, 1 and 2 John, Wisdom of Solomon, and the Apocalypse of Peter (though the list notes that some believe this last work should not be read in church).
The Muritorian Fragment contains a list that gives us a glimpse into the acknowledged writings in Rome, and may well represent other Christian communities, but it is difficult to say with certainty. We can infer with some accuracy based on the Muritorian Fragment together with the writings of the Church Fathers that at the end of the first century, many Christians in the western part of the empire acknowledged the authority of the four Gospels and Paul’s letters. There is scattered recognition of the Catholic epistles (James, 1, 2, 3 Peter, 1, 2, 3 John, Jude) and Revelation. But they were not as yet regarded as canonical scripture.
7.7 Third and Fourth Centuries
By the middle of the third century, many Christians in both the eastern and western regions of the empire acknowledged the four Gospels, Acts, Paul’s letters, and some Catholic epistles as authoritative writings. Revelation continued to be controversial for the next century in the East, and Hebrews continued to be controversial in the West. Often, certain writings were rejected because they were being used by dominant Christian groups.
In the third and fourth centuries, many more Christian writers turn their interests to issues associated with the canon. In the East, one of the brightest minds in the third century was Origen (185-254 CE), who was born in Egypt and lived in Caesarea in Palestine. He acknowledges the four Gospels and the letters of Paul as being authoritative for the Church. But he also saw the value of Acts, James, Epistle of Barnabas, Shepherd of Hermas, Acts of Paul, Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, and 1 Clement.
In the West, a renowned theologian in the Roman Church, named Hippolytus, argued that the following writings be deemed as scripture: the four Gospels, the letters of Paul, Acts, 1 Peter, 1 and 2 John, and Revelation. He also placed value on Hebrews, Shepherd of Hermas, Apocalypse of Peter, Acts of Paul, James, Jude, and 2 Peter, but not equal to scripture.
One of the best sources for recovering the history of canonization up to the middle of the fourth century is the Christian historian Eusebius (263-340 CE), bishop of Caesarea. Not only did Eusebius record the historical events associated with the development, but he records the writings that were being used (or once considered) in the churches, classifying them into four categories: the recognized writings, the disputed writings, the spurious writings, and the heretical writings. Selections from his Ecclesiastical Histories 3.25.1-7 read as follows.
1.Recognized Writings:
... the holy quaternion of the Gospels, which are followed by the book of the Acts of the Apostles. After this must be reckoned the Epistles of Paul; next in order the extant former Epistle of John, and likewise the Epistle of Peter must be recognized. After these must be put, if it really seems right, the Apocalypse of John ....2. Disputed Writings:
Of the disputed books, which are nevertheless familiar to the majority, there are extant the Epistle of James, as it is called; and that of Jude; and the second Epistle of Peter; and those that are called the Second and Third of John ....3. Spurious Writings:
... the Acts of Paul, and the Shepherd, as it is called, and the Apocalypse of Peter; and, in addition to these, the extant Epistle of Barnabas, and the Teaching of the Apostles [Didache], as it is called. And, in addition, as I said, the Apocalypse of John, if it seem right. ... And among these some have counted also the Gospel of the Hebrews ....4. Heretical Writings:
... such books as the Gospels of Peter, of Thomas, of Matthias, or even of some others besides these, and the Acts of Andrew and John and the other apostles.
In the second half of the fourth century, with the empire now thoroughly Christianized institutionally and politically, greater efforts began in the compilation of lists. Some contained as many as 30 writings; whereas others contained as few as 24. It was not until 367 CE when we come across a list that mirrors our 27 writings of the New Testament. This list is attributed to the Egyptian theologian Athanasius (293-373 CE), who writes,
I also resolved to set forth in order the writings that are in the list and handed down and believed to be divine.… Those of the New Testament … are … four gospels [Matthew, Mark, Luke, John]. Then after these are Acts of the Apostles and the seven letters of the Apostles called the ‘Catholic’ letters [James, 1 and 2 Peter, 1, 2, 3 John, Jude]. In addition, there are fourteen letters of Paul the apostle [Romans, 1, 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, 1, 2 Thessalonians, Hebrews, 1, 2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon]. Last, from John again comes the Revelation. These are springs of salvation … let no one add to them or take away aught of them.” (39th Festal Letter 2, 7–10. Translation from McDonald, The Formation of the Christian Biblical Canon, 221).
Athanasius also wrote in this letter that the Didache and the Shepherd of Hermas were important to the Church for teaching, but they should not be part of the canon. This demonstrates an important phenomenon. Some excluded writings may not have been deemed as scripture, but they were nevertheless used. Writings that were deemed heretical, however, played no role whatsoever.
After the Council of Laodicea (which omitted Revelation) in 363 CE and the Council of Hippo in 393 CE, the twenty-seven writings of the New Testament were finally ratified in 397 CE at the Council of Carthage. There is some indication that Revelation was subsequently debated. Lingering controversies were settled at a subsequent synod in Carthage in 419 CE.
In summary, the New Testament writings that were most debated all over the empire were James, Jude, 2 Peter, and 2 and 3 John.
7.8 Criteria for Canonization
The canonization of the New Testament writings was not a random decision at the Council of Carthage. It was also not a decision that was hastily made. It was the result of a long and drawn out process that involved bishops from all over the empire. This was an ecumenical decision, meaning that it involved representation from the whole church. The process included reflective and even heated theological dialogues that were taken to councils and ratified.
So, why were these twenty-seven writings selected and not others? Historians often point to criteria that operated during the decision making process. These were nowhere written down, but were based on implied principles that were in play since the time of Marcion, and maybe earlier. Historians are not always in agreement about the meaning, number, or prominence of criteria, but the following four were certainly influential (Gamble, Canon 67-72).
7.8.1 Apostolicity
The criterion of apostolicity did not mean that a writing had to be written by an apostle. It was more general. While some writings were believed to be written by apostles, such as Paul and Matthew, others were included because they were written within the general time period of the apostles and were theologically consistent with their teachings, such as Mark and Luke. In short, the criterion limited the selection to writings that were characteristic of the earliest church, which was the meaning of “apostolic.” No writing however, was included in the canon solely on the basis of this criterion. Interestingly, those writings that claimed apostolic authorship, such as The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles or the Gospel of Peter, were not included because they did not meet this criterion.
7.8.2 Catholicity
The word “catholicity,” like the word “catholic” refers to universality. As a criterion, it referred to those writings that were relevant to the church throughout the empire (i.e. universally), and intended as such by their authors. To anyone who is familiar with the letters of Paul, this criterion would seem to be a problem since they are all addressed to individual churches. The apostolic nature of Paul’s writings were unquestioned, but even in the second century, their catholicity was a problem for some. By the end of the fourth century, the letters were no longer disputed and were being used universally. The criterion was now primarily applied to private and esoteric writings that emerged well after the apostolic period.
7.8.3 Orthodoxy
The term “orthodox” or “orthodoxy” means correct thinking, and was used as a criterion to weed out writings that did not correspond theologically to the received faith (or standardized thinking) of the church. This criterion implies that the received faith of the church, sometimes called the “tradition of faith” or the “rule of faith,” preceded and operated alongside scripture. Of course, orthodoxy had in part been influenced by some writings that would eventually become scripture. In the fourth century, the criterion was not applied to writings that were already accepted, such as the Synoptic Gospels and Paul’s letters because they were regarded as orthodox. Rather, the criterion was applied to those writings that were in theological disagreement with orthodoxy. Interestingly, there were lots of writings circulating in the fourth century that could be deemed as orthodox (e.g. Shepherd of Hermas), but since they did not meet other criteria, they were excluded.
7.8.4 Traditional Usage
Without this criterion, there probably would not have been a canon that transcended the empire. By traditional usage, historians refer to the widespread public use of writings in church settings. In other words, the criterion poses the question: is a given writing used for public worship and teaching in the churches across the empire? This is closely tied to the criterion of catholicity, but it focuses on the function of the writings instead of the location of the writing. Usage in the church played an important role over time. As the Christian writings were read and used with more frequency (especially in the third and fourth centuries) alongside the Jewish scriptures, the two blended functionally into one authoritative anthology. This criterion is a good example of the principle that we see operating in the history of doctrines, namely that lex orandi (the law of prayer) always precedes lex credendi (the law of creed). Not all writings that met this criterion, however, made it into the canon. We can see that writings like the Shepherd of Hermas, 1 Clement, and the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles were used quite broadly in the context of worship and teaching, but they did not satisfy the criterion of apostolicity.
7.8.5 What About Inspiration?
It is often remarked in popular Christian circles and websites that the New Testament writings were chosen by church authorities because they were inspired, meaning that God was involved in the composition. This is a misconception. While the inspiration of scripture is an important Christian belief, it was never a criterion for canonicity. As Christian writings became more popular and were used in worship and teaching more frequently alongside the Jewish scriptures, they came to be viewed in the same way—as inspired scripture. Inspiration in the first few centuries of the church was not limited to scripture. The term was also applied to the church as whole because it saw itself as being guided by the Holy Spirit. Where the Spirit resided, there resided inspiration. As a result, the writings of some Church Fathers were also regarded as inspired, though not on the same level as scripture, because their teachings were consistent with orthodox tradition, be it scripture or the rule of faith. Conversely, heretical writings were not deemed as inspired because they were inconsistent with the belief of the inspired church. Harry Gamble summarizes the process this way: “The New Testament writings did not become canonical because they were believed to be uniquely inspired; rather, they were judged to be inspired because they had previously commended themselves to the church for other, more particular and practical reasons” (Canon 72).
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Bibliography
Primary Sources
Ehrman, Bart D. The Apostolic Fathers. Volume 1. Loeb Classical Library 24. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2003.
Ehrman, Bart D. The Apostolic Fathers. Volume 2. Loeb Classical Library 25. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2003.
Grant, R. M., et al. The Apostolic Fathers. 6 vols. New York: Nelson, 1964–68.
Hennecke, Edgar and Wilhelm Schneemelcher, eds, New Testament Apocrypha. 2 Vols. Translation by R. McL. Wilson. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, revised edition 1991-2.
Roberts, Alexander and James Donaldson, eds. The Ante-Nicene Fathers. 10 Volumes. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975.
Roberts, Alexander, Philip Schaff and James Donaldson, eds. The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. First Series, 14 Volumes. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994-96.
Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, Philip Schaff and Henry Wace eds. The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. Second Series, 14 Volumes. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997.
Secondary Sources
Allert, Craig D. A High View Of Scripture? Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2007.
Barton, J. Holy Writings Sacred Text: The Canon in Early Christianity. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1997.
Bruce, F. F. The Canon of Scripture. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1988.
Gamble, H. Y. The New Testament Canon: Its Making and Meaning. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985.
Gamble, H. Y. Books and Readers in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian Texts. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995.
Kruger, Michael J. Canon Revisited: Establishing the Origins and Authority of the New Testament Books. Wheaton: Crossway, 2012.
McDonald, L. M. The Formation of the Christian Biblical Canon. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995.
Metzger, B. M. The Canon of the New Testament. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992
Patzia, A. G. The Making of the New Testament. Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1995.
Würthwein, Ernst. The Text of the Old Testament: An Introduction to the Biblia Hebraica. Translated by Erroll F. Rhodes. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995. 2nd edn.
Recommended Websites
http://www.ntgateway.com/canon/
Valuable for further study. It contains modern and classic literature on the canonicity of the New Testament.
http://www.ntcanon.org/miscellaneous.shtml
Contains numerous primary texts in English, introductions to early Christian literature and the Church Fathers, link to an extensive bibliography, and a cross-reference table that is well worth exploring.
http://biblestudymagazine.com/interactive/canon/
This is a well-presented chart that lists the writings of the bible in various Christian traditions.
http://www.ntgateway.com/tools-and-resources/early-church-and-patristics/
Highly recommended as the first site to visit for anyone seeking further information about the Church Fathers.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u72myyXDA74
“From Stories to Canon.” Dale B. Martin’s lecture on the New Testament canon from Yale University. Length 49 minutes. Highly recommended.